One might deduce — it’s been too long for me to recall all the circumstances — that one of the reasons I left Princeton at the end of Freshman year is that I spent too much time muckraking for the Nassau Weekly, the nascent alternative student rag of which I was the founding managing editor. The following article, re-published today for the first time in 43 years, first appeared in Nassau on April 18, 1980, before I legally changed my last name from Winer to Ben-Itzak. It was edited by Alexander Wolff, himself already a published author and a contributor to Sports Illusrated, and has been slightly modified. The first paragraph below reproduces the story’s cover teaser. “USG” was the Undergraduate Student Government, the “Prince” the Daily Princetonian, and Cloister a non-selective eating club, eating clubs being the Princeton variation on fraternities, invented by university president Woodrow Wilson before he went on to float a much less viable idea, the Versailles Treaty. The addresses referred to in the second paragraph are those of Cloister, the Prince, and the USG. The “proctors” are the campus police. The reader is asked to keep in mind that the protagonists, like the reporter, were between 18 and 21 years old at the time the interviews took place and the article was written. As a Princetonian, I am proud of the bulwark to Democracy Supreme Court justice Elena Kagan became and the crusading New York State attorney general that Eliot Spitzer went on to be. I was also delighted to encounter Andy Ilves again in the early ’90s when he was a mayoral aide walking the picket line with employees of the San Francisco Chronicle, a story I was covering for Reuters. And I feel priveleged and honored to have been able to exchange with all of them when we were all finding our sea legs. — PB-I
The USG’s Prince-Cloister Connection: Clioster was where they ate. Steve Bernstein, Stu Mieher, Elena Kagan and Dave Hardison; John Frank and Eliot Spitzer: the big names on the Prince managing board and in the USG. The office of USG chairman was up for grabs, and Frank was the candidate.
By Paul Winer
Copyright 1980 the Nassau Weekly & 2023 Paul Ivan Winer Ben-Itzak
“If you’re looking for grand conspiracies between the Prince and the USG, you won’t find any, because there aren’t any.”
— Steve Bernstein, chairman of the Daily Princetonian
Could Princeton’s own Tammany Hall be at 65 Prospect Avenue? 48 University Place? One Chancellor Green? Or all three? A Nassau investigation has revealed that the new Daily Princetonian managing board and certain leaders of the Undergraduate Student Government do form an establishment of sorts. While this machine will admit to no “grand conspiracies,” several of its products portend ominous times for the future of judicious student government and journalism at Princeton. Consider:
*Prince managing editor Harmon Grossman doesn’t want his reporters talking to Nassau, but I found two reporters who gave me the inside story on the Prince‘s conduct in the March election for USG chairman.
*USG vice chairman Brad Smith claims that the USG doesn’t keep candidates’ spending reports, but he insists that I surrender over a dozen spending reports from past years which I have seen — but don’t have.
*In an election-day letter to the *Prince*, Greg Waddell charged chairman candidate Andy Ilves with tearing down one of opponent John Frank’s campaign posters. Frank later appointed Waddell and Fran Palmieri, who also claims to have seen the act, to paid positions in the USG.
*Although former USG Chairman Eliot Spitzer wouldn’t talk to Nassau for an article we did relating to the chairman election, he later claimed to have contemplated suing us for the story.
*Although seven members of the *Prince* managing board, including Bernstein and editorial chief Elena Kagan, are in the same eating club — Cloister — as John Frank, and five are in the Woodrow Wilson School with him, Kagan insists, “I don’t think that any of the people in this office could really be termed friendly with (Frank) to the extent that it might affect anything.”
*For the first time in anyone’s memory, the 104-year-old *Prince* endorsed a candidate for student government’s most powerful post. Needless to say, it was not Andy Ilves; when Ilves called Bernstein early on the morning of the Frank endorsement editorial to protest such a radical departure from precedent, the annoyed Prince chairman called the proctors.
“I never understood why we can go five days without mentioning Nassau, and you can’t seem to go a week without mentioning us,” Steve Bernstein quipped as I set up my tape recorder.
“The Prince influences campus life,” I answered. For that reason, this story starts in the chairman’s office.
“Was the Prince endorsement of John Frank,” I asked, referring to a March 3rd editorial, “influenced by Frank’s eating in the same club as you and seven other members of the managing board?”
“No. The endorsement didn’t run for reasons of personal likings…. By examining the respective candidates’ stated positions on various issues, we decided that John was the best person for the job.”
“Which came first, the decision to endorse a candidate or the decision that Frank merited the endorsement?”
“We first decided that we’d like to do an endorsement.”
“Is it true that by doing so the Prince broke a 104-year tradition of not endorsing student government candidates?”
“I don’t know. It’s the first time in recent years.”
“So why did you break [with] recent tradition?”
“Every managing board determines its own policy, including editorial policy.”
“What was unique to this year?”
“Oh, it didn’t have anything to do with who was running this year. It’s just that we decided that there was no reason we shouldn’t do that. Who the candidates were wasn’t a factor at all.”
“Why did a March 14 story on John Frank carry no byline?”
“It was probably written by an editor or….”
“A member of the managing board?”
“Oh, I think I know why: that was probably written by a staffer who forgot to call in his or her headline.”
“Was it written by a managing board member?”
“I don’t think so.”
“Do you think that your and so many other members of the managing board eating in the same club as John Frank taints your coverage of the USG?”
“I don’t think so. We try to be careful to separate the two.”
“Do you think that your coverage of the last election was tainted because Eliot Spitzer, who coordinated the election, is also in the same club?”
“We covered the election very fairly. There are lots of stories we could have run had we wanted to which we did not, for the very reason that we did not wish to damage either candidate’s chances by publishing certain types of material which we deemed irrelevant.”
“If you ever want to hear stories,” Bernstein said at the end of the interview, “not for print, come by again.”
I asked Bernstein where I could find Kagan, so that I could interview his editorial chairman. He led me down to the editorial office. Before I could step in, he asked me to wait a minute. “I want to talk to her first,” he said. “It’s not about this, it’s about something else.” Fifteen minutes later Bernstein let me in. He kept us company for the whole interview, at times [joining in the conversation].
“Buddy Rogers and I had not met before,” Kagan began when I asked her to describe her respective relationships with John Frank, Andy Ilves, and vice chairman candidates Buddy Rogers and Brad Smith prior to the election. “Brad Smith I had occasionally called for stories. Any Ilves I had done the same thing with, and had been somewhat familiar with from USG meetings I had covered. John Frank I had also been familiar with from USG meetings, and he happens to eat at the same club that I do.”
“What about Eliot Spitzer?”
“Eliot Spitzer I know better than the other four. Also eats in the same club.”
“Did this play a factor in your endorsement?”
“The endorsement wasn’t of Eliot Spitzer.”
“I mean, with the other four.”
“I don’t think [so] at all. I don’t think [so] by any stretch of the imagination.”
“Why did you decide to break with tradition and endorse a candidate?”
“Well, I think that it is every managing board’s prerogative to decide what we do and do not want to write edits about. I don’t think any of us felt too strongly that just because something hadn’t been done in the past, it shouldn’t be done this year. And, we felt that, in each of the two races that we endorsed people in, there was a candidate who was better.”
“Before you decided to make an endorsement, you decided there was somebody who was better?”
“I don’t think the two can really be separated…. When we sat down and decided whether we wanted to write an endorsement, the determining factor was whether we thought there was somebody to endorse.”
“Why didn’t the Prince make any effort to substantiate Greg Wadell’s charges that Ilves was tearing down Frank campaign posters?”
“I don’t think we didn’t make any effort to substantiate them. We had — “
“Did you contact Ilves?”
“Can I talk?”
“Go ahead.”
“We had those same charges from several people and felt that they were reliable.”
“Did you contact Ilves?”
“Well, we hard this from several independent people. Now, if you’re asking me — “
“I’m asking you if you contacted Ilves.”
“No, we didn’t.”
“How come?”
“When we publish a letter — let’s say we publish a letter saying that the University sucks. We don’t call [Princeton] president [William G.] Bowen and say, ‘Mr. Bowen, John X. has just submitted a letter saying that you’re a lousy president.'”
“So if someone submitted a letter making charges against Bowen, you would print it without rebuttal from him?”
“Yes, if we thought that the letter wasn’t a complete figment of somebody’s imagination, absolutely.”
“I have a witness who says that he contacted you before the letter was printed, giving testimony that contradicted Waddell’s charges.”
“I don’t know what happened in the newsroom, but absolutely not, we were never contacted in this office.”
“Last year,” I went on a little later, “you called for the release of the attendance records of USG members just before the chairman election. Why didn’t you do so this year?”
“Do we have the right to counsel, Paul?” Bernstein interceded.
“Did he ask you this many questions?” Kagan queried [him].
“Yeah, that’s [Nassau publisher] Bob Faggen’s handwriting,” Bernstein erroneously asserted, referring to the list of questions I had scribbled out.
Kagan then continued, “Honestly, it never occurred to us.”
“Did it have anything to do with Ilves’s perfect attendance record while on the USG?”
“No, I said honestly it never occurred to us.”
“Actually, it was a USG screw-up,” Bernstein suggested. “It’s their policy.”
Kagan assented….
“I guess you could call us friends,” Stuart Mieher said, describing his relationship with Eliot Spitzer. This did not affect the Prince‘s election coverage, he insisted, since “I don’t edit any copy that has Eliot’s name in it — just because we are (Wilson School of Public and International Affairs) carrelmates.”
Explaining why a story on Frank’s listing the names of 26 students on a flyer without their permission (see Nassau, March 7) was buried inside of the paper, Mieher said, “It was not clear that an impropriety had occurred… a regulation like that is a pretty small piddling detail. It’s not like the Prince has an obligation to cover every tiny USG rule. I mean, that’s not a very important rule.”
While Prince editors were pretty open, they told at least one reporter [not to talk to me]. I was in the newsroom talking with student life beat leader Cliff Glickman, when Harmon Grossman quickly came in and told me to get out. “Could you please leave?” he requested, adding, “It’s nothing personal. This is just business.” After I issued an invitation to drop by Nassau’s office anytime he wanted, Grossman explained that the Prince prohibits its reporters from talking to Nassau in the newsroom.
Glickman still wanted to talk with me, so I waited outside while he and Grossman conferred. After a few minutes Glickman emerged. “Sorry, I won’t be able to talk with you.”
- * *
Grossman hadn’t [inhibited] two reporters — we’ll call them “Scoop” and “Ace.” They filled me in on the Prince‘s disposition in the chairman election….
Scoop observed that, in the beginning of the chairman election, “the Prince received a lot of complaints that it was actually pro-Ilves. So they felt it was important to, as one editor put it, make it a lot more fair.”
As for Bernstein’s attitude, Scoop said, “Professionally, he didn’t care who won the election. Personally, everybody on the staff did care who won.” But Scoop insisted that this did not affect news coverage. “The coverage in articles was fair,” he said. “The editorial coverage, and the editorial page coverage — which includes the columns and letters — I don’t think was fair…. They didn’t really show both sides of the issue.”
Ace agreed. “On the day-to-day news coverage, I thought it was fair. But in the editorial coverage, it wasn’t. The selective printing of letters — I thought that was pretty bad.” He concluded, “I don’t think it will go down in the history of the Daily Princetonian as a shining example of judicious campaign journalism coverage.”
Scoop cited an election-day letter to the editor from Greg Waddell as an example of injudicious editorial coverage. Waddell accused Ilves of tearing down one of Frank’s campaign flyers. The Frank campaign worker claimed that he saw Ilves defacing the poster in Holder courtyard. Ilves gave me quite a different story. But since of course he would, I contacted a witness — Ilves’s roommate — who corroborated [the candidate’s] account.
“We were walking towards Holder on our way to dinner,” Nassau editor Don Hawthorne recalled. “Ilves bent down and picked up a John Frank flyer that was on the ground. We started walking across the courtyard reading it. By the time we got halfway across the yard, we heard someone call, ‘We got ’em now, that’s Any Ilves — he’s ripping down Frank posters.’ We turned around and saw those two — Waddell and Palmieri — coming up behind us. We didn’t know what was going on. Wanting to avoid a confrontation — Andy was in no mood for a scene — we ducked into a friend’s room. One of them followed Andy into someone else’s room, and I stopped the other one at the doorway and told him to get lost — which he did. That was the last we saw of them.”
Waddell’s account differs: “We had been hanging posters up by Holder. We saw Ilves reading a poster, and then he took it off the bulletin board. He started walking away. I went up to him and I asked him if I could have the poster back. He said he didn’t know what I was talking about.” Waddell says he persisted but to no avail. Then, he says Ilves “ducked into a room and we followed him to the door of the room. Because we knew that, as campaign workers, they wouldn’t listen to us alone, we started yelling, ‘You’re in trouble,’ to draw attention and get some witnesses.”
Whether or not Waddell’s account was [accurate], the Prince thought it warranted being printed. Bernstein acknowledges that Hawthorne gave him a dissenting report, but the two differ as to when this was. Bernstein says it was “after the election,” while Hawthorne recalls that it was “the evening before the letter came out.”
One reason Hawthorne decided to visit Bernstein is that he had heard that the Prince was considering running a news story on the alleged act. Bernstein denies this. Mieher says, “We never considered running a news story on the incident. One reason is that that night it was too late to get something in. We didn’t consider it too important.”
Scoop says the Prince did consider running a news story. “Cliff Glickman was very seriously considering running something on it….”
Palmieri was later appointed USG executive secretary, while Frank gave Waddell the newly created position of communications officer. Frank sees nothing suspicious in this. “If I’d had the choice,” he contends, “I would not have had the letter written or printed. Greg worked on the campaign and, aside from the letter, I was very impressed with his capabilities.”
Many people worked on Frank’s campaign, and one of the many rumors flying around after the election was that some had been paid for doing so. When I tried to obtain the candidate’s spending reports to check on this, Frank told me to see Spitzer.
Spitzer told me to see Frank. But just as I was getting ready to leave Spitzer’s carrel, Brad Smith, who had been visiting him there, said that spending reports were “kept for a week, and then they were probably thrown out.” He said that the usual policy is to throw them out. He later clarified this, maintaining, “We don’t make an attempt to keep them” after a week.
I had been shown fourteen spending reports from previous years, including two of Smith’s. When I told Smith this, he had no explanation. He said that he would search the USG office and try to find the reports from the last campaign. He later spoke with Nassau editor Don Hawthorne and demanded the reports which I had seen. Frank later warned me that Nassau would be “contacted” regarding the spending reports which we had seen — but, still, don’t have. Frank still didn’t know where the last election’s reports were.
There may be nothing so sinister as a conspiracy between the Daily Princetonian and the Undergraduate Student Government. And machine politics may not yet have gained more than a tenuous foothold at Princeton. But many people in the USG and at the Prince [seem to be concerned] about the results of an investigation like this one. When I called the Prince and asked to speak with Eliot Spitzer, the person on the other end of the line answered, “Are you investigating the USG?”
Some of the people I talked to readily offered conclusions about the relationship between the press and student government on campus; for instance, Brad Smith and Steve Bernstein informed me that Andy Ilves and Don Hawthorne are roommates.
John Frank says of the relationship between himself and the Prince, “I’m very conscious of the need to let hem fulfill their obligations to report the news.” As for Nassau: “I think you guys have over-stepped the line of propriety on this one.”
Post-note, contemporaneous: Having served simultaneously as student body president and newspaper editor of San Francisco’s Mission High School, Paul Winer knows all about collusion between government and the press.
Post-note, Spring 2023: Following the initial publication of this story, Nassau received, and published, a letter accusing us of practicing “yellow journalism” from two former Nassau editors, including David Remnick, who would go on to edit the New Yorker. I crossed paths — one might even say joined forces — with Eliot Spitzer in the early 2000s when, as New York State attorney general, Spitzer, rightly, took the side of the Martha Graham Company, Center, and School on behalf of the State of New York in their Federal court battle to retain the rights to Graham’s ballets, on which the Dance Insider provided lead coverage. Thanks in no small part to Eliot Spitzer, the good guys — the dancers — won.